DHKP-C facing extinction in Turkey

Operation leads to arrest of senior members of terror group, which is trying to become active in Europe with help of PKK

DHKP-C facing extinction in Turkey
Crisis management and the AK Party congress

Crisis management and the AK Party congress

Nowadays, all eyes are fixed on the relations between Turkey and the United States. Against the backdrop of tensions, the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) celebrated its 17th birthday at an event hosted by the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA) on Tuesday.


The Gulenist Terrorist Organisation has an international support network. Unlike IS threats of "lone wolves" and its widespread alienation by the public, Gulenists benefit from a certain level of public legitimacy.

Turkey was to fall into the hands of the military junta and become one of the unstable countries in the region.

Everyone must critically examine themselves with regard to their approach to the Gülen Movement; including politicians, journalists, academics, businessmen and the commoners.

The reaction to the U.S. in Turkey is not about the U.S.'s way of life or its values, it is what the U.S. does not do as an ally of Turkey

Turkey: No Presidentialism Without Federalism?

Turkey, like many other countries, could adopt a presidential system of government without decentralizing the administrative system by introducing federalism.

Turkey No Presidentialism Without Federalism
Gülenist Coup Failed Democracy Won

Gülenist Coup Failed, Democracy Won

The Gülenist soldiers who attempted this coup fired on civilians and the state's security forces. In the clashes that occurred, dozens of innocent people lost their lives alongside those who attempted the coup


They planted what they like to call seeds of hope. In the end, a suicide bomber blew herself up in the heart of Ankara.

As the ruling AK Party accelerates its efforts to draft a new constitution with the consent of opposition parties, constitutional law expert Uzun says without the mention of a new political system, a new constitution cannot be considered new.

Female students with headscarf are currently prevented to enter the university in Turkey although there is no legal ground for such a ban. The ongoing controversy about the type of clothing for female students at the higher education institutions has become more intensified since the recent constitutional change in February 2008 to lift the de facto headscarf ban. The debate over this question revolves around whether headscarf is a religious attire or a political symbol, whether it should be banned to protect the secular foundations of the state or conversely allowed on the basis of individual freedom of religion as a corollary of secularism. The solution lies in the implementation of constitutional amendments without a further delay.

With the appointment of Yusuf Ziya Özcan as the new president of Turkey’s Higher Education Board (YÖK), there is renewed hope for the future of the Turkish university system. For too long Turkish universities have performed way below acceptable international standards. Nor have they catered to the increasing needs of Turkish society. Instead of improving the standards of higher education in Turkey, YÖK has acted like an academic police controlling everything in the universities.

Universities that have not been active in debates concerning long-standing higher education problems are preparing to discuss these issues, and two ambitious academicians, Professor Talip Küçükcan and Associate Professor Bekir S. Gür, are leading efforts to start debates at universities.

It was in 1965 when İsmet İnönü, former Turkish president and leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP), defined the CHP's position in Turkish politics as the "left of center."

On Sunday September 12th, 2010, Turkey voted "yes" in a referendum to a package of amendments by a wide margin (58 percent yes; 42 percent no) with a high level of participation (77.5 percent) despite the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party's (BDP) boycott. The amendments were designed to restrict the power of the military and the judicial bureaucracy in Turkey that originated from the 1982 junta-made Turkish constitution. The immediate political consequence of the referendum will be a serious relaxation of domestic political tensions, which have been undergirded for over 50 years by the one constant in Turkish politics: the ever present threat of military coup.

The study of the September 2010 constitutional referendum results revealed significant clues as to what could be the results of the June 2011 general elections.

 SETA PANEL DISCUSSION  Chair:     Taha Özhan, SETA    Panelists:     Ali Çarkoğlu, Sabancı Univ.       Cengiz Çandar, Radikal     Yavuz Baydar, Sabah  Date: June 15, 2011 Wednesday  Time: 14.00-16.00  Venue: SETA, Ankara   

For the PKK, the process can only go from the initial “Defeat in the 1990s” to the “Second Defeat” in the 2010s.

Does the PKK, in the context of Turkey’s Kurdish question, intend to lay down its arms under any circumstance?

Today the PKK has to step up and pay the price for its role as an obstacle along Turkish people’s path to the democratic standards they desire.

The new constitution cannot and will not meet all demands of political parties. Everyone, each party will have to take a step back. We should be ready for this.