Perhaps the most consequential and drastic decision in Turkish foreign policy in recent months was to engage in direct negotiations with Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq. This is significant because, since the onset of Iraq War in 2003, Turkey has sought to ignore or marginalize Iraqi Kurds, and has refrained from all acts that could be viewed as concessions or de facto recognition. Although the Iraqi Kurdish leadership has received red-carpet ceremony in Ankara in the1990s, Turkish foreign policy toward northern Iraq, since the war, has been stymied by anxiety and emotional rhetoric. Indeed, the fear of Iraq’s disintegration and the rise of an independent Kurdish enclave in the north, inspiring or even assisting separatist sentiments in Turkey, have appeared to cloud the possibility of rational evaluation of the pros and cons of policy alternatives. As a result, the policy of projecting illegitimacy to the Kurdish Regional Government has cost Turkey a significant loss of clout not only in northern Iraq but also in the wider Iraqi political affairs, as Kurds have come to occupy significant positions in the central government as well.

There is a new environment that Washington and Ankara may base their relations on dynamic, common interests rather than reified common values and norms.

A recent poll by Pollmark, presented at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA) think tank in Ankara, shows that terrorism is the number-one problem for many in Turkey.  

First it was a devastating attack in Dağlıca. Now it is Aktütün. And countless other attacks occurred in between. Outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) terrorism is back.

What do Turks in Europe think about the European Union identity? How do they define the EU? How do they see the image of Turkey in Europe? How far do they support Turkey's EU membership? Are they prepared to contribute to Turkey's efforts for full membership? This article will address such questions based on research findings surveying 100 Turkish civil associations in the Netherlands.

The Turkish general elections are set to take place this Sunday. If there is no major disruption at the last moment, we should expect a “normal” election. But can Turkish politics normalize after the stakes have been raised to almost irrational levels?

The Turkish general elections are set to take place this Sunday. If there is no major disruption at the last moment, we should expect a “normal” election. But can Turkish politics normalize after the stakes have been raised to almost irrational levels?

SETA PUBLIC LECTURE  Speakers:  H.E. Mr. Nabil Maaruf Palestinian Ambassador to Turkey İbrahim Kalın  SETA, Director General Ayşe Karabat  Today's Zaman Columnist Date: January 9, 2009 Friday  Time: 10.00 – 12.00 Venue: SETA Foundation, Ankara

SETA CONFERENCE By  Dr. Kamran Bokhari  Strategic Forecasting Inc. (Stratfor), Director of Middle East Analysis Date: November 8, 2007 Thursday Time: 15.00 - 16.30 Venue: SETA Foundation, Ankara

                                                 Uluslararası Konferans: VATANDAŞLIK, GÜVENLİK ve DEMOKRASİ  An International Conference on Citizenship, Security and Democracy 1-3 Eylül 2006 / 1st-3rd September, 2006 İSTANBUL www.csdconference.com

"All options are on the table” is the best phrase to describe how Turkey feels about Israel’s attack on humanitarian aid flotilla carrying more than 600 activists from 32 countries. What happened on Sunday night is a real game changer. Israel will, most likely, no longer be seen as a friendly state nor an ally, but will be treated as a rogue state by Turkey.

Bosnia-Herzegovina remains as divided as ever. In the past year Turkish foreign policy in Bosnia-Herzegovina has become more assertive and outcome-oriented. The successes of the new Turkish assertiveness have helped to initiate a much-needed reconciliation process between Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Turkey derives its assertiveness not only from Foreign Minister Davutoğlu’s vision of sustainable peace but also from its shared history and cultural practices throughout the region. Turkey’s efforts could strengthen the efforts of the international community to integrate BiH into European and trans-Atlantic bodies.

Turkey’s position, in this respect, will have decisive impact on regional power balances between Turkey, Iran and Arab world in post-Arab Spring period. 

Relations with the region have been multi-faceted, encompassing diplomatic, economic and civil society dimensions since 2002.

Turkey has refreshed its social and historical memory of each and every country that experienced change and revolution.

Recent Arab revolutions have brought both opportunities and challenges to Turkish foreign policy.